It is in moments of maximum crisis, he says, that “new opportunities can open up,” and that one can find the courage for an “indispensable electric shock to save Europe from decline, from being reduced to an economic giant and a political dwarf, a residual entity in the new global scenario.” Antonio Tajani says so and calls for it — a former President of the European Parliament, former Vice-President of the European Commission and now Foreign Minister of one of the countries that “have historically been among the most pro-European”.
For this reason, at a time when violent blows are coming against the EU from the United States and Russia, he calls on everyone for “acts of courage—now or never.” And therefore not “less Europe, but a Europe that renews itself and becomes a protagonist and also autonomous.”
How can this be done, at a moment when Europe seems on the verge of sinking?
“By changing, profoundly. Europe as it is currently structured cannot stand comparison with other powers. And it is not a question of replying to this or that statement—the United States necessarily remains our main ally—or of thinking that we are at war with Russia. We need to think about how we can lift ourselves up, not reduce ourselves to petty, short-range actions.”
Is there a recipe?
Italy can play a major role in this change, provided it understands what is needed. The first step is to rediscover a political soul: that of a continent rooted in Christianity and the Enlightenment, a Europe founded on rights and respect for the individual—the only one in the world that has abolished the death penalty.
Who should drive this process forward?
“We have solid and capable national leaders, but we lack great European leaderships like those of De Gasperi, or Kohl, or Mitterrand. Everyone must take a step forward—not by thinking merely as the leader of a single country, but as the architect of a broader project.”
Can politics restore strength to what even the League, along with many nationalists, considers a useless juggernaut?
“First of all, loving one’s homeland does not mean being nationalist. We all love our country, but to make it stronger we cannot isolate ourselves, because the numbers tell us that we cannot compete on our own with the major world powers. Therefore nationalist drives must be countered with incisive and genuine reforms.”
Institutional ones?
“Starting with institutional reforms. As Henry Kissinger once said, ‘When I call Europe, I don’t know whom to call.’ We are still facing that problem—only today it can no longer be taken for granted that the United States will also look out for us, including on security. That is why the right of veto must be abolished, at least in many policy areas; I will raise this with my allies. We should then merge the role of President of the European Commission with that of the European Council, with direct election by citizens, and strengthen the European Parliament, which still lacks the power of legislative initiative. The aim is a more political and less bureaucratic Europe.”
“And what decision-making powers would this lead to?”
“Those that would derive from the other indispensable step: completing the single market. This is done through banking union, a single energy market, a capital markets union, competition laws, tax harmonisation that prevents the creation of tax havens. And there is another fundamental step.”
Which one?
“Politics must return, and the overbearing power of the Brussels bureaucracies must end. It is not acceptable that simply because one studied at the College of Bruges one can think to have more power than those elected by citizens. European bureaucracy is elephantine—in powers, in red tape and constraints. We need to be swift, fast, flexible. For every new regulation, two must be abolished. And enough with self-destructive policies, such as the excesses of the Green Deal that have caused damage to an industrial continent like ours. Not to mention agriculture…”
It does not seem easy to close the gap with the military strength of Europe on the one hand and, on the other, the United States, Russia and China.
“It is not easy, but it is the only path. Strengthening our defence is a necessity; this does not mean focusing solely on weapons to be used against a hypothetical enemy, but also defending our economy—I am referring to our Navy and to the forces operating under the UN aegis. I believe that a common army should be the end goal, but in the meantime coordinated action towards a common defence is necessary, including close industrial cooperation with the United States and the other NATO and G7 countries.”
Yes, but with what money? Salvini does not seem willing to spend even on aid to Ukraine.
“The arms decree for Ukraine, to be used on its own territory, will be adopted, as the Prime Minister has clearly stated. There is no doubt about our position. For greater commitments, we can consider ad hoc European funds and eurobonds to strengthen ourselves. The reality before us is clear: we must be able to guarantee our defence and work toward the reunification of Europe to the east, and we are among the foremost supporters of EU accession for the Balkan countries.”
How long will it take? Trump threatens to step away from European defence within months.
“The unity of the West is an indispensable asset. I do not believe that Europe can be so easily dispensed with, even though it is clear that the United States is focused on the challenge posed by China. It is far from certain that China would break with Russia, nor would it be in the United States’ interest to lose an ally—and a continent—that represents an exceptionally rich import-export market. And still less—let me say this to all those who question the importance of the EU—would it serve Italy to isolate itself. Of the €623 billion in exports by Italian companies, over €200 billion go to European countries. Isolating ourselves, turning our backs on Europe, would render us marginal and irrelevant”.
