The apocalypse of the migrants and the stabilisation of Libya; Europe’s egotism and the never-ending war in Syria; the fight against terrorism and Italy’s return to Africa, as well as the bid for a seat on the United Nations Security Council. In this conversation with “l’Espresso” Paolo Gentiloni discusses the challenges Italy is up against and how the government to which he belongs intends to face them.
Minister Gentiloni, all sorts of things are happening in the Mediterranean and along its coasts. The migration of hundreds of thousands of men, women and children fleeing war and poverty; two conflicts – one in Libya and one in Syria – in which others nations are more or less openly intervening; a global terrorist threat that has already made itself felt on European soil. And Italy is right in the middle of the Mediterranean. What is our country’s role, what are the government’s guidelines in terms of national security and the defence of our national interests?
“First of all, we have to seek to ensure that these crises are recognised by the European Union and NATO, and are placed at the top of the agenda, in order to make up for the underestimation of recent months. Then we must be aware that our friend and ally the United States has ended its interventionist season and that we are going to have to shoulder the problem along with the other countries of the region besides the U.S. Finally we are going to have to actively promote our participation in the anti-Daesh (Islamic State) coalition or eventual interventions to aid in the stabilisation of Libya. All this in the awareness that a Mediterranean region free from conflict would offer Italy extraordinary economic, commercial and development opportunities. Italy is the fourth-ranked trade partner of the combined Mediterranean countries after the U.S., Germany and China. These crises tend to make us forget this extraordinary chance we have to achieve our goals”.
Everyone is aware of Italy’s daily efforts to confront the migration issue, but it is impossible to plug a crack in the dike with a finger. How to overcome the egotisms currently impeding the European Union from speaking in a unified voice on this issue?
“Those countries have to be convinced that refusing to take in their share of the migrants is not the solution. The phenomenon is permanent and must therefore be managed and regulated. The African continent is going to reach a population of two and a half billion by 2050 and, like it or not, our future demographic equilibrium, as well as job market and pension contributions, are going to depend directly on migration flows. It is, first and foremost, necessary to eliminate the egotism of the countries that once made up the Communist bloc and deal with the United Kingdom, which has placed the migration question at the centre of its internal political debate on relations with the European Union”.
What concrete measures is Italy prepared to take to achieve that end?
“We have acted over recent months in such a way as to make it understood that this is not an emergency that concerns the countries where the migrants are landing, Italy and Greece, but all of Europe. It has not been easy and only the heightening of the crisis, with people no longer dying only at sea but in the heart of the continent, has ensured the question’s coming to foreground. Unfortunately, responses are still going in very different directions, from razor-wire barriers to entry bans on anyone who cannot prove they have a job awaiting them. We must continue to push for a common response founded on the pillars on which Europe was built. Those who say the solution lies in reviewing Schengen and bolstering national borders with walls and razor-wire has forgotten that Europe was created to knock walls down and that this calls its very future into question”.
The key now is to modify the Treaty of Dublin that regulates migrant flows. That will not be done in a day, the EU’s timeframes are always long. What to do in the meantime?
“Meanwhile, we must avoid their dying at sea. Then, we must receive them and seek to manage the flows along with all those who agree. Finally, we must seek to introduce the principle that those with the right to asylum are not entering an individual country, but Europe. This revolutionary concept must come with a series of measures aimed at the defence of the EU’s external borders, the distribution of new arrivals to avoid imbalances and common policies on forcible repatriation”.
Libya has not found its way in the post-Gaddafi era. We are trying painstakingly to bring the various factions and tribes together at one table to discuss and achieve an accord. In the case that were not possible, does Italy have a Plan B or are we going to have to resign ourselves to having a perennially unstable area only a few dozen kilometres away?
“The stabilisation of Libya is at the top of the list of Italy’s economic, commercial, migration and security interests. This goal will only and exclusively be achieved through an accord among Libyans, which will be followed up by international community initiatives to help the stabilisation process. There is no Plan B, if the Libyans do not reach agreement normality in that country will not be possible through military intervention. If, on the other hand, we focus on the question of the terrorist threat, there is no lack of ways to fight a phenomenon that still appears circumscribed in Libya and could extend the anti-Daesh coalition’s reach to Libya.
The Syrian civil war that began in 2011 is emblematic of the international community’s incapacity to stop a conflict and find solutions to the problems that started it. Must we resign ourselves to a war without end?
“The civil war shows the limitations of the international community’s efforts and how far the cruelty of armed conflict can go. Italy sought from the beginning to send the message that the only way to stop it was to launch a transition that led to Assad’s exiting from the stage. That did not happen, instead two opposing visions have dominated the scenario that said either we will sent Assad away by force or we will defend him down to the last man. I now have the impression that this vision is regaining momentum now thanks also to the Iranian nuclear accord”.
Did you see any concrete signs on your recent trip to Iran, or is yours simply an hypothesis that the accord could trigger a process of stabilisation in the area?
“It is still an hypothesis, but I am among those who seriously believe it could turn out to be true. There can be no immediate change, it will take a long time to implement the accord. The U.S. Congress still has to vote on it in mid-September; and inside Iran the news still has to be completely digested. But time holds positive surprises not only within the context of economic relations but also in the security scenarios of the region’s countries”.
Prime Minister Matteo Renzi is in love with Africa; he went to a development financing conference in Addis Ababa in July, where he said that “after years of inertia, Italy is back”. He also said he no longer wants to be last among the G7 countries in terms of financing and cooperation. Just a few days ago he underscored in an interview for Corriere della Sera his desire to “have a greater role in Africa and the Middle East and invest more in cooperation”. What does all that mean in terms of Italy’s international presence and concrete actions?
“From a general point of view there is an awareness that, for its political, economic and commercial relations, Italy is much more important than we may tend to believe. In practical terms it means that we are aware of having very important relations with the nations of that continent, from Egypt to Ethiopia, and from the countries of the northern coast to those in which we have substantial energy investments. It is a logical consequence that, beginning with the next budget law, we are going to have to recuperate – albeit gradually – a major role in the field of cooperation. That it is no longer exclusively a question of solidarity and assistance but can also serve to reduce the causes of migration phenomena and create the basis for economic relations strategic to Italy’s future”.
Where do we get the money we need, given that over the past 20 years – even before the downturn – we have made promises that we haven’t kept? What portion of gross domestic product will be spent, since every advanced country dreams of to making 0.7% of GDP available to development cooperation?
“It will be a figure that will no longer put us in last place among the G7 and that will gradually surpass 0.3% of GDP”.
With great discretion, Italy is making a full-blown bid to win a seat as a rotating non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in 2017. If we were to get the necessary votes, what role would we intend to have?
“We have two messages we would like to bring to the Council: the first is that we can offer elements that would be decisive to improving the quality of UN peace missions, given our experience in various theatres ranging from Kosovo to Lebanon. The second is that Italy has been a champion of dialogue for decades now, and is capable of being that in all crisis theatres, from Ukraine to Libya, and without ever taking away from our commitment to institutions such as the European Union or the Atlantic Alliance. This constructive role and capacity to speak with everyone can be a precious asset to the Security Council”.
