On 16 November 2011, after you’d been appointed to head up the Farnesina, you bade farewell to your staff at the Embassy in Washington. The next day you were sworn in to office by the President of the Republic as the new Minister for Foreign Affairs. What was your last engagement as Ambassador, and your first as Minister? Emotions, feelings and mood: how would you describe your first day at the Farnesina?
“16 November 2011 was a special day for me and for my family. The great satisfaction over the trust placed in me was mixed with the emotion of saying goodbye to my staff in the Embassy, an extraordinary team with whom I had been working, until just a few hours before my appointment, on so many dossiers that shape the relationship between Italy and the United States. I arrived in Washington in October 2009, guided by a deep conviction that has been with me throughout my career: the need to remember, at all times, that you’re a servant of the state. That same conviction guides me today in my work as Foreign Minister”.
On your first day as Minister, one of the first messages bearing witness to the esteem in which you are held came from the German Foreign Minister, Guido Westerwelle. He reiterated the German government’s confidence in the role Italy can play in managing the euro-zone’s financial crisis. Just a few weeks ago Westerwalle was critical of Monti and of the possibility of granting a banking licence to the ESM [European Stability Mechanism] bail-out fund (on the constitutionality of which the High Court in Karlsruhe will rule on 12 September). How much does the future of the euro-zone weigh on the German Constitutional Court’s decision on the legitimacy of the ESM?
Will granting the ESM a banking licence be enough to save the Euro?
Do you agree with Westerwalle that “Europe can suffer from too much solidarity”?
“The worsening crisis and its repercussions on the euro would have higher economic and political costs for Berlin than those resulting from the guarantees granted to the ESM, by weighing on the federal budget. This fact cannot be ignored. You speak of ‘saving the euro’. I’m convinced that Europe will win this challenge. In Brussels, on 28-29 June, measures to tackle the crisis were adopted and the shared intention to continue the integration process was reiterated. Thanks to Italy’s efforts, the European agenda is now concentrating on the double goal of rebalancing the markets in the immediate term and supporting growth. Resolving the crisis will involve Europe’s ability to adopt an overall, multi-faceted and balanced approach based on an effective combination of fiscal discipline, structural reforms and growth-stimulus policies”.
On 29 January 2012, General Paolo Serra took command of the United Nations mission in Southern Lebanon (UNIFIL). The thousands of Italian “blue helmets” engaged in that region are costing the country about 158 million per year. How much would it cost Italy if, in view of the crisis, we withdrew from Libya in order to save money?
“We’d pay an extremely high political price. It’s unthinkable. It would cause the gravest damage to our international standing, all the more so during this crucial period in the Syrian crisis.
Lebanon is fundamental to the stability of the Mediterranean and Middle East region, which in turn exerts a decisive influence on our security. Italy is making an essential contribution to the implementation of Resolution 1701, which defines the UNIFIL mission’s mandate and duties. The mission’s task is to maintain the ceasefire achieved in Southern Lebanon after the war of 2006, with the aim –thus far achieved effectively thanks not least to the recognised quality of our leadership – of stabilising the region and preventing further outbreaks and tensions. The mission also plays a key role in ensuring dialogue between the parties in the UN-Lebanese Armed Forces–Israeli Armed Forces three-way format.
General Serra was appointed just two years from the end of General Graziano’s mandate. Placing another Italian officer in command of one of the UN’s most delicate missions was a major recognition by our partners, for Italy and our armed forces. There is a very real ‘Italian style’ in the way we conduct operations – a style that’s become a model in managing international missions. It would be absurd to leave”.
On 15 February, two marines in service on the Enrico Lexie oil tanker were arrested by the Indian authorities and jailed. They’re accused of killing two fishermen, whom they mistook for pirates. If we take international law as our reference, why does India challenge Italian jurisdiction over the case? Why doesn’t New Delhi recognise Latorre and Girone’s immunity? How can the affair be resolved, and how long will it take?
“The scenario where our two boys don’t come home to their loved ones can be ruled out. The Government and the Ministers most directly involved are working on a daily basis for their return, as am I personally. We’re sparing no effort or initiative, at all levels and in all international fora, to ensure that that happens as soon as possible. International law is on our side. I’m sure that we’ll manage to bring our boys home, that they were doing their duty and their arrest was a mistake. We’ve made every effort to safeguard their personal safety and their dignity as organs of the state, and to that end we’ve exploited all the procedures envisaged by the Indian legal system. We’ll continue to engage in intensive diplomatic activity in the major international fora – UN, G8, European Union – and with our partners to reassert Italy’s sole jurisdiction in the matter, starting with the forthcoming international events – which include the UN General Assembly in New York. The Government as a whole will continue in its constant and determined efforts”.
On 25 June another Italian was killed in Afghanistan, the 51st since the start of the mission in 2004. The victim was a 20-year-old carabiniere, Manuele Braj, who was hit by a rocket fired against the Adraskan base. You spoke of a “cowardly attack”. When will the Italian troops be withdrawing from Afghanistan? We read of a gradual exit – what’s the timetable?
“In 2010, at the NATO Summit in Lisbon, and in 2012 in the Chicago Summit, we agreed that we’d strengthen Afghanistan’s capacity to look after its own security between now and 2014, when the withdrawal of the allied troops will be complete. That process is proceeding, but Afghanistan needs to be kept at the top of the international agenda, as the recent dramatic events, the repeated attacks on our contingent and the horrors perpetrated by Islamic fundamentalists in the south of the country all show. The principle that has guided NATO in its action in Afghanistan remains valid: together in, together out.
And withdrawing doesn’t mean that we will no longer be supporting Kabul. The results of our military and diplomatic efforts, including in terms of civil progress, will be a legacy for the Afghans – one that must be lasting and further exploited. For example, the percentage of female students has increased by 38%, while 28% of the members of Parliament are women. But a lot remains to be done. From now until 2004, we need to address three challenges: to proceed gradually with the withdrawal; to strengthen the Afghans’ ability to defend themselves; and to contribute to the country’s economic and social development by promoting new investment and increased cooperation. Those are the directions we’re following in our work”.
On 11 July, the Observatory on Religious Freedom was set up in Rome – a body promoted by the Italian Foreign Ministry and by the Mayor of Rome, Gianni Alemanno. Its objective is to defend religious freedom and denounce any persecution suffered by Christians throughout the world. From the religious point of view we have seen massacres in Nigeria, repeated attacks in Kenya and violence in Orissa, in India. We’ve seen continuing threats in Syria, and churches closed down in Indonesia. What is Italy doing, and what can it do, to stop the wave of violence against Christians?
“Protecting freedom of worship is an absolute foreign policy priority for Italy. I supported the creation of the Observatory in Rome, to study, analyse and monitor the state of religious freedom throughout the world. Italy is making a determined effort in all relevant fora to reassert the universal values of dialogue and tolerance. Safeguarding the right of each individual to practise their religion freely is a basic indicator of a country’s degree of civility. Through its diplomatic network, the Farnesina also plays the role of monitoring and exerting pressure on those countries where violence, discrimination and persecution against religious faiths continue to exist. I have made a great effort to ensure that religious freedom becomes a priority issue for Europe.
In July, the EU Task Force on Religious Freedom, which was established at Italy’s prompting, met in Brussels to put the finishing touches to the guidelines on religious freedom. These were conceived as working instructions for Europe’s and the member states’ diplomatic missions in regions where that freedom is most at risk. And of course our efforts in the UN are also on-going. In December 2011 the General Assembly adopted the EU resolution on freedom of religion. Based partly on proposals put forward by Italy, the resolution reiterates states’ duty to prevent violence against religious minorities and to prosecute those responsible. The Farnesina is organising a seminar at the UN on ‘Civil Society and Human Rights Education as a tool for promoting religious tolerance’. The goal of the seminar, which will take place on 27 September during the forthcoming General Assembly, is to draw up a common line of action and to promote religious freedom on the basis, too, of a greater shared awareness”.
Countries with a Muslim majority see more attacks against Christians. What are the reasons for this violence? Don’t you think the lack of reciprocity between the Christian West and the Islamic countries in the treatment of minorities is a problem at the level of integration? Couldn’t a system of diplomatic incentives and disincentives (for example, financial support for those safeguarding minorities’ rights) help to extinguish the wave of violence?
“Once of the aims of Anti-Christian terrorism is to destabilise the countries where the attacks take place, attacks whose victims also include moderate Muslims. States must therefore realise that protecting religious minorities is not just a duty: it’s also in their interest. Terrorism undermines peaceful co-existence within states and, as a consequence, their stability, often with serious regional repercussions. But freedom of religion is an absolute ethical and political imperative that cannot be subordinated to an approach based on reciprocity. It remains true, however, that economic and social development, and training, are powerful antidotes to religious intolerance, which in turn fuels violence and terrorism.
That’s why Italy is implementing projects to foster co-existence by and between religious groups, both through emergency initiatives and in the field of education and training for the leadership. Let me remind you of some significant examples: Italy’s role in the aftermath of the attack on the Christian cathedral in Baghdad, and the clinic we’re building in the Christian quarter of Erbil. Or the thalassemia centre we’re building in Nineveh province, which is home to Iraq’s biggest Christian community. We’re also helping to build homes for young Christian families to combat the emigration of Christians, who represent just 2% of the total population, from the Holy Land”.
In recent months, the Government’s efforts have led to the release of 27 Italian citizens kidnapped abroad. On 19 July, after 268 days in captivity, Rossella Urru – the Sardinian aid worker kidnapped on 13 October 2011 at Tinduf, on the Algeria-Mali border, was able to come home to Italy. How was her release obtained, and what was your experience of the anxious hours when the operation to free her was under way?
“I personally followed each stage. Rossella’s release required a constant effort by the Foreign Ministry and all the institutions involved. I’d also like to mention the admirable sense of responsibility displayed by the Urru family, with whom we followed, from the Ministry, the steps immediately preceding her release. As soon as I received confirmation that Rossella had been freed and had been taken to a safe place, I informed her loved ones in person. And the next day I went to meet her at the airport with Prime Minister Monti – it was such an emotional moment. I think Rossella’s an example of the best Italy has to offer the world. Helping the Urru family regain their happiness once they were reunited amply repaid our efforts”.
The Sahel is a huge region controlled by warlords, armed groups and nomad tribes, and no longer by the central governments of Algiers and Bamako. What difficulties does diplomacy have to tackle when it is dealing not with a state with which it can negotiate on an equal footing but with small armed groups linked to major criminal networks?
“Italian diplomacy serves precisely to address complex situations like the Sahel. We have a fruitful dialogue with Algeria, which I visited in March 2012 and with which we are planning an Inter-Governmental Summit where regional security will be high on the agenda. Exactly one year ago Algiers promoted a regional conference on Sahel to boost cooperation between the countries of the region and their principal partners, Italy included, to foster security and economic and social development. We also discussed Sahel in February, at the 5+5 Ministerial in Rome. That meeting brought together, for the first time since the Arab Spring movements began, the 10 countries of the Western Mediterranean, as well as Egypt, Turkey and Greece. I would add that the dialogue between Europe and the Mediterranean countries makes it possible to address the Sahel question, thanks not least to our constant efforts to raise awareness in Brussels”.
Although the demands of the Syrian demonstrators are similar to those of their Libyan counterparts, and Assad’s regime is no less repressive than Gadaffi’s, the West’s approach to the crisis in Syria is very different from the one it adopted in Libya. Why does the international community not intervene in Syria? Why is there no unified position vis-à-vis Syria’s drama?
“Military intervention is not a feasible option. But the international community, and most notably the Group of Friends of the Syrian People, of which Italy is a member, is fully aware of the urgent need to bring an end to the conflict and enable the Syrian people to decide their future freely. The common strategy is to help the people and the opposition in all ways possible to resist a regime that is going through an irreversible crisis but which is still capable of violence and atrocities. At the same time, we’re working to ensure that we can help Syria post-Assad. Supporting a Syrian-led political transition, which is now inevitable, is not just our duty, it’s also in our interest. Italy is very active: in the dialogue with all members of the Syrian opposition, in liaising with our main partners and with the Arab League, in our humanitarian initiatives, and also in considering, in very concrete terms, the role of the international community in what we hope will soon be the ‘new Syria’”.
First you opened an official account on Twitter, and now a Facebook page. How are Twitter and the new media influencing diplomacy? Can they be a credible source in shaping public opinion on international policy issues?
“Social networks are a unique opportunity for diplomacy to capture, create and channel information. Millions of people can be reached in their home or workplace and share in our ideas and our work. ‘Twiplomacy’ brings foreign policy closer to citizens but our messages must be strong and clear if they are to be understood by people who are not familiar with international policy. The Web reduces distance and makes national borders easier to cross. Nowadays, anyone wishing to inform and shape opinion needs to do so in a space that’s accessible to all, where each individual can create information and share opinions. Diplomacy is at the service of our citizens and enterprises and provides them with very real services. I wanted the Foreign Ministry to undergo a radical modernisation process that encompasses both content and the instruments to communicate that content.
I opened my own Twitter account because we must seek – by engaging in transparent dialogue and informing people of the services we offer – to ensure that our work sparks the interest of the broadest possible audience”.
