Rome is hosting the meetings between the Lebanese and Israeli delegations, and there has also been discussion of the possibility that Italy might be tasked with overseeing the implementation of the agreement, which provides for the handover to the Lebanese army of certain areas of territory currently occupied by the Israel Defence Forces (IDF). What role is our country playing in this crisis?
I believe that Italy, at this particular time, is making an important contribution. Lebanon’s peace and stability are at the heart of Italy’s diplomatic action, through political contacts with all stakeholders and key regional and international actors. The last two rounds of direct talks between the Lebanese and Israeli delegations took place in Rome, and this is a testament to the credibility that Italy wishes to strengthen in the country and throughout the region.
Italy has long been at the forefront of efforts to ensure Lebanon’s security, through its participation in UNIFIL and the bilateral MIBIL mission, which helps to train the Lebanese armed forces. And let us also look ahead to the post-UNIFIL phase, by taking part in discussions to determine the contribution that the international community can continue to make in Lebanon. The aim is to create the conditions for Lebanon to regain full stability and sovereignty.
Lebanon is just one of the fronts on which Israel is engaged: with regard to Gaza and the West Bank in particular, the international community has not done enough to bring about a permanent end to the fighting and secure a future for the Palestinian people. Is there a need for Europe to take more decisive action as well?
Unfortunately, it is often forgotten that Europe has already taken a clear stance in recent months, calling for a halt to hostilities, for adequate humanitarian aid to be provided to the people of Gaza, and for the foundations to be laid for a political solution. Position that Italy strongly supports. But we didn’t just stop at making statements. Concrete initiatives such as EUBAM Rafah and EUPOL COPPS missions contribute to the stabilisation and security of the area.
The first will soon be led by a Carabinieri officer. Politically, the European Union is one of the founders of the ‘Global Alliance on the Two-State Solution’, today the main international initiative to promote a political solution to the Palestinian question. Here too, Rome plays a central role.
However, there is also much to be done in economic and humanitarian terms.
Europe continues to support the Palestinian people and to work towards recovery. The real challenge today is to turn this emergency into a political opportunity. Through the ‘Food for Gaza’ initiative alone, we have allocated around EUR 40 million and mobilised 2,400 tonnes of food and humanitarian supplies, as part of a humanitarian aid effort led by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. But without the launch of a concrete peace process, any humanitarian intervention risks remaining merely a temporary response to a crisis that is bound to recur.
The Pope has called on the international community to take urgent action to advance the Two-State Solution. How feasible is this, given the current situation?
For Italy, the Two-State Solution is necessary to ensure a just, lasting and sustainable peace. It is certainly a difficult path, but it is precisely the gravity of the current situation that compels us not to abandon it. There are serious obstacles today: the war in Gaza and the regional crisis have hardened the positions of Israeli and Palestinian public opinion. In the West Bank, the situation is becoming increasingly precarious, exacerbated by the expansion of illegal settlements and violence by settlers; the Palestinian Authority is also facing a serious institutional and economic crisis, whilst pursuing a difficult path of reform.
Will Italy also support the Two States at the UN?
Yes, Italy will continue to do so at the United Nations as well. We have supported numerous resolutions reaffirming respect for international law and human rights, and in July 2025 we took part in the International Conference on the Peaceful Settlement of the Palestinian Question and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution, co-chairing the working group on security alongside Indonesia. In order to give a further signal in this regard, I wanted the last meeting of the Global Alliance on the Two-State Solution, last July, to take place in Rome, with Saudi Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud and the participation of Palestinian Minister of Foreign Affairs Varsen Aghabekian.
The memorandum that was supposed to pave the way for a peace agreement between Iran and the United States has proved to be a failure: is there still scope for diplomacy between Washington and Tehran, at least to agree on how to manage the Strait of Hormuz?
I wouldn’t call it a failure of diplomacy, and in any case, there is always room for diplomacy. The memorandum was a starting point, not an end in itself, and represented an important step, helping to halt the escalation and tackle the crisis through negotiation. At present, it does not appear that negotiations will resume any time soon. But we must ensure that diplomatic channels do not close. Diplomacy is not an alternative to security: it is the means by which we can build more lasting security. Italy has never ceased to dialogue with all the interlocutors involved, including the countries of the region that are trying to facilitate the resumption of negotiations.
Does this openness also apply to Iran?
In my recent discussions with the Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Abbas Araghchi, I also reiterated the urgent need to reopen channels of communication between Washington and Tehran and to swiftly reach a political and lasting solution, whilst avoiding further military escalation. Our position is clear: Iran must not acquire nuclear weapons, and the Strait of Hormuz must once again be free and open to shipping, without tolls or charges. Blocking the Strait of Hormuz does not just affect shipping: it impacts supply chains, energy and food security, with far-reaching consequences. That is why a further military escalation would not be in anyone’s interests.
Italian troops are deployed in the Gulf countries: what role are they playing, and why has this not been made public until now? Is Italy in Saudi Arabia helping to defend a State involved in the conflict with Iran?
The members of the Gulf Cooperation Council are important partners for Italy, and this government has been committed from the outset to strengthening bilateral relations with all these countries. Saudi Arabia is a strategic partner that, like its neighbours, has had to defend itself against unacceptable external attacks, which we have strongly condemned.
The Italian presence in the region has been defined in line with the ‘Resolution on International Missions’ discussed and approved by Parliament, which has always been informed of any developments through communications and hearings by myself and Minister Crosetto. Let it be clear that Italy is not a party to the conflict. The presence of Italian systems and personnel in Saudi Arabia must be distinguished from participation in offensive operations.
Why are we there?
We must protect our armed forces, ensure the security of our interests and our citizens, and, at the same time, work towards de-escalation and provide practical support to friendly countries that have asked us for help, such as Saudi Arabia, with whom we share common strategic objectives: to promote peace, stability and growth.
The war in Iran caused some strain in relations between Italy and the US, but also between the Americans and other European countries: has this rift been mended? How?
There was no ‘rift’. It is natural for allies to have frank discussions about international crises. Transatlantic relations remain the cornerstone of our security: all the more so at a time when our strategic adversaries are banking on the West becoming more vulnerable. The NATO Summit in Ankara confirmed this: we are not facing a rift, but are in the midst of a necessary discussion on how to strengthen the Alliance in the future.
Does this also apply to relations between Italy and the US?
Our relationship with the United States extends beyond individual Presidents and is so well-established, based on such deeply shared values and interests, that it enables us to handle any point of disagreement constructively. In fact, we are exploring new areas of cooperation. A few weeks ago, we signed the ‘Pax Silica’ declaration with the US, which was put forward to unite like-minded countries on two crucial issues: the security of advanced semiconductor supply chains and the development of artificial intelligence. These are the guiding principles of the Italy–US partnership today: pragmatism, increased trade and a partnership that looks firmly to the future.
Italy has always supported Ukraine in the war against Russia, as has Europe: after more than four years of conflict, is it not possible to open up a space for negotiations to bring the war to an end?
Italy’s aim has always been, and remains, to achieve a just and lasting peace. We have reiterated this on every occasion, and Prime Minister Meloni confirmed it once again to President Zelensky in Ankara, during the NATO Summit. We believe that the current situation may open up scope for negotiations, in light of Ukraine’s achievements and Russia’s growing economic and political difficulties.
We must, however, proceed with caution: there remains considerable uncertainty regarding the Kremlin’s true intentions, whilst the brutal bombardment of Ukrainian civilians and infrastructure continues and another very difficult winter approaches. We must therefore work to bring Moscow to the table for serious talks, whilst maintaining the two-pronged approach adopted so far: support for Kyiv and pressure on Russia.
In reality, however, the prospect is still that of war.
Cutting off aid would mean forcing Ukraine to negotiate from a position of weakness and allowing Moscow to impose its terms by force. That is why we continue to provide Kyiv with comprehensive support, ranging from defence to reconstruction and energy resilience.
And what should we do about Moscow?
We must keep the channels of dialogue open and make pragmatic use of the levers at our disposal to encourage them to engage effectively in negotiations. First and foremost, among these are sanctions: Italy has strongly supported the 21st European sanctions package and remains committed to curbing the capabilities of the Russian war machine, by stepping up efforts to combat the circumvention of restrictive measures and the so-called ‘shadow fleet’. Negotiating does not mean backing down in the face of Moscow’s demands.
Any solution must respect Ukraine’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, and no decision must be taken without Kyiv. Europe will have to participate in any negotiations as an actor directly interested in the future continental security architecture, in close coordination with the United States and other Allies and international partners.
Does the policy of rearmament and military supplies to Kyiv not also risk diverting resources away from social policies or other important areas of expenditure?
It is incorrect to present the relationship between defence and social policies as a choice between two alternatives. Security is an essential condition for protecting our social model, our economy and our citizens. Supporting Ukraine’s defence does not mean diverting resources away from welfare, but rather helping to preserve the stability and security that enable our social policies to continue to function.
Defence commitments must, of course, be sustainable and go hand in hand with stronger European cooperation, avoiding duplication and improving the efficiency of joint spending. Italy has mobilised more than EUR 3.2 billion to support Ukraine in the areas of humanitarian aid, reconstruction, energy and development, and has consistently reaffirmed this commitment over time, both within and outside the EU.
