“It takes a lot of patience…” Antonio Tajani lets out a deep sigh as he takes his first ten-minute break of a day packed with meetings, nibbling on a small focaccia and hummus with vegetables at the residence of the Italian ambassador in Tel Aviv. He would rather talk about the bilateral meeting he just concluded with his counterpart Gideon Sa’ar, the Deputy Prime Minister. Or about the success of the Italian Foreign Ministry’s Food for Gaza initiative (“We want to do even more, Italy can make a huge contribution on the humanitarian front”). Or even about his phone conversation (“in Spanish”) with Marco Rubio a few days ago: “It was his first call with a European Foreign Minister,” he notes. “There is great harmony between us.” Yet, the controversy surrounding the Almasri case, far from settled after a heated parliamentary session just 24 hours earlier, and the rumours of an International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into the Italian government (which later turned out to be unfounded) inevitably follow him all the way to Israel. Speaking from the port of Ashdod, he responds bluntly: “An ICC investigation into the Italian government? Maybe there should be an investigation into the Court’s own actions. We need clarification on how it has conducted itself. I fully support what Minister Nordio said yesterday.” However, those following the case point out that, technically, an investigation could still be launched, as a formal complaint has been filed against four members of the Italian government at The Hague.
MOUNTING TENSION
“They can file as many complaints as they like… It takes a lot of patience,” Tajani remarks, with a clear hint of irritation. The tone remains tense, despite President Sergio Mattarella’s remarks just a day earlier in Marseille, underscoring the crucial role of international organisations in Western democracies. But doesn’t Italy, which hosted the ICC’s founding in Rome, risk delegitimising the Court with what sounds like a declaration of war? “The same applies as with Europe,” Tajani replies. “Being pro-European doesn’t mean saying everything is fine all the time: criticising doesn’t mean being against institutions, which are run by people.” He continues, “It is legitimate to challenge certain actions of the Court, which has made political decisions. Just as pointing out that the UN reacted too slowly on Ukraine doesn’t mean questioning our participation in the UN.” Meanwhile, the opposition continues to press the government, accusing Prime Minister Meloni and her cabinet of avoiding the debate. Tajani believes it is not his place to respond, saying that his colleagues have already done so. He also refrains from commenting on another controversy pushed by the centre-left: allegations that journalists were spied on using software from a company that, according to The Guardian, recently ended a contract with the Italian government. That issue, he notes, is being handled directly by Prime Minister’s office. What Tajani does weigh in on, however, is Donald Trump’s plan to “empty” the Gaza Strip of its inhabitants and take control of it, perhaps to turn it into the “Riviera of the Middle East.” The key word here is “caution”. “Rubio has already clarified those statements,” is Tajani’s initial response while en route to Tel Aviv. “And Israel has made it clear that no solution will be imposed against the will of the civilians who live in the Gaza Strip.” Later, however, his stance becomes more direct, perhaps influenced by Matteo Salvini’s enthusiastic endorsement of Trump’s proposal. The leader of the Lega called it a “Nobel Peace Prize-winning idea, if he pulls it off.” Without directly referencing his coalition partner (“Everyone is entitled to their own opinion…”), Tajani makes it clear where Rome stands. “Our position is clear,” he warns. “Italy is actively working to ensure that the truce leads towards the solution of two States for two peoples.” This, he says, should happen through the reunification of Palestine, which must recognise Israel, at which point, it too should be recognised.” Then comes the decisive remark: “Any other move at this moment would be unrealistic, wrong, and, I would say, counter-productive.” Trump’s proposed voluntary exodus from Gaza, meanwhile, seems poorly defined. The Italian Foreign Ministry sees it as “unclear” and “hard to grasp” at this stage. The Italian Foreign Ministry views Trump’s words more as a contribution of ideas and a sign of his “willingness to engage” in peace efforts for the region. This contrasts with Tajani’s Israeli counterpart, Gideon Sa’ar, who, in their joint press conference in Ashdod, declared Gaza’s political experiment a “failure” and suggested that the United States would be an “excellent candidate to restore the Strip after the war.”
UKRAINE AND NETANYAHU
Tajani will have the chance to further discuss these issues with the White House at the next G7 Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Munich, scheduled for Saturday the 15th. “With Rubio, we will discuss the Middle East and Russia. Contacts between Moscow and Washington have intensified, which has alarmed Zelensky,” the Deputy Prime Minister explains. Ironically, even Washington has recently clashed with the ICC over its arrest warrant for Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu, who is currently visiting the White House. Would Italy be forced to arrest Netanyahu if he visited Rome? “What are we supposed to do, go to war with Israel just because the ICC says so?” Tajani snaps. Then, with what sounds like a final jab at The Hague, he adds: “Or rather, because three ICC judges decided so, one of whom later became Prime Minister of Lebanon and openly declared that Israel was his main enemy?”
